The changes introduced in the National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT)’s new Class IX Social Science textbook, Understanding Society: India and Beyond, Part II, are not merely a curricular revision; they represent a significant attempt to re-read the history in contemporary India. For more than five decades, Indian students have largely studied medieval India from the perspective of foreign invaders. The administrative and economic systems of the Delhi Sultanate and the Mughal Empire, their advanced architectural traditions, sophisticated and elite lifestyles, supposedly invincible military power, and the idea of Ganga-Jamuni tehzeeb were at the centre of the earlier narrative. Leftist historians, engaged in Muslim appeasement, continued to glorify this narrative in the name of a culture of harmony and tolerance. This perspective undoubtedly produced generations with a distorted understanding of history, who remained unfamiliar with India’s glorious tradition of resistance, indigenous systems of good governance, and advanced art and culture.
The new book has been brought out in two parts by consolidating four earlier books. The first part, released in June, focused on the achievements of ancient and modern India. The second part, which is now being discussed, brings two major ideas together. The first is to redefine the long period of seven hundred years from 1000 to 1700 CE, not as an uninterrupted period of Islamic rule, but as an era of continuous military and cultural resistance and resilience. The new book clearly explains that the Indian subcontinent repeatedly faced foreign invasions, religious discrimination, and socio-economic crises, but indigenous powers continuously resisted the invaders who entered the country. The second idea is to explain India’s evolutionary journey of good governance. In the section on resistance, several episodes have been included that were either relegated to footnotes or completely absent from mainstream textbooks. The Battle of Dewair, fought between the forces of Maharana Pratap and Akbar on the day of Vijayadashami in 1582, which the book regards as a decisive chapter in Maharana Pratap’s struggle, has been discussed in detail. In this battle, the army of Mewar defeated the Mughal forces and regained control over its lost territories.
Similarly, the book mentions the powerful and vast Ahom Empire of north-eastern India, which maintained its political independence for nearly six hundred years and defeated the Mughal army in the Battle of Saraighat (1671) under the leadership of the valiant warrior Lachit Barphukan, known as the “Shivaji of the North-East.” It also describes the strength and resistance of the Vijayanagara Empire in South India, as well as the Maratha concept of Swarajya, which is defined as the idea of an independent and self-governing territory. The resistance against Aurangzeb’s policies of imposing heavy taxes, including jizya, and religious bigotry is presented through the revolts led by Gokula Jat in 1669 and Rajaram, the zamindar of Sinsini, in 1686. The spiritual and political steadfastness of the Sikh Gurus, the sacrifices of Guru Arjan Dev and Guru Tegh Bahadur, the armed struggle led by Guru Gobind Singh, and the establishment of the Khalsa Panth further demonstrate that resistance to foreign invasions was not confined to northern India but extended across the entire country.
To present this resistance in an even broader perspective, the book gives special prominence to three heroic queens: Rani Naiki Devi, who defeated Muhammad Ghori at Kasahrada in 1178; Rani Rudrama Devi of the Kakatiya dynasty, who ruled from 1262 to 1289 and successfully resisted the Delhi Sultanate on several occasions; and Rani Abbakka of Ullal in Karnataka, who fought continuously against the Portuguese from 1525 to 1570 and became one of the earliest Indian rulers to oppose European powers.
The book illustrates, through examples, that the expansion of territory was not the sole motivation for warfare in India; rather, the protection of Dharma and culture was its fundamental inspiration, while war was its symbol and expression. Similarly, the history of the destruction and reconstruction of temples has also been presented in a factual manner. Through various examples, the book explains how temples were demolished and mosques were constructed at their sites, and how the Kashi Vishwanath Temple was first reconstructed by Raja Todar Mal and Raja Man Singh and, after its destruction by Aurangzeb, was rebuilt by Devi Ahilyabai Holkar. When the construction of temples was prohibited, Bhakti poets such as Srimanta Sankardeva, Madhavdeva, Chaitanya Mahaprabhu, Chandidas, Tulsidas, Surdas, Mirabai, Guru Nanak, Bhakta Narsi Mehta, and Lalleshwari protected Sanatana Dharma, Indianness, and the spiritual ethos through their deeply moving and popular songs and verses. Bhakti poetry is an unparalleled example of religious faith, cultural resistance, and an indomitable perseverance.
The new book does not regard good governance as merely the contribution of Western democracy, such as the Westminster system; instead, it traces their roots to Indian traditions. India’s understanding of good governance evolved from the Vedic-era Sabha and Samiti, the ideal of Ram Rajya in the Ramayana, and Raj Dharma in the Mahabharata, through ideas, texts, and symbols such as the Mundaka Upanishad, Kautilya’s Arthashastra, and the Sengol of the Chola period, eventually reaching the modern Constitution-based democratic system and citizen participation. Ram Rajya is defined here not as a religious slogan but as a model of ideal governance. Mahatma Gandhi too defined Ram Rajya as a system of governance characterised by integrity, transparency, compassion for the suffering of others, and a welfare-oriented, people-centric approach. It is presented as a benchmark for good governance. Alongside this, the book also connects the ideals embodied in the mottos of several modern Indian institutions-Satyameva Jayate, Yato Dharmastato Jaya?, Dharmo Rakshati Rakshitah, Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam, and Yoga Kshema Vahamyam-so that students may understand that our constitutional institutions draw their inspiration and symbols from our own tradition. The same chapter also describes the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 as an excellent example of a public policy formulated through extensive public participation.
The first and most direct impact of this initiative will be the revival of self-pride among India’s younger generation. The earlier understanding of history had created a sense of inferiority and self-forgetfulness. The second impact will be the development of an understanding of India’s cultural unity. The new book decentralises a Delhi-centric understanding of history. Students will now see India not merely as a map, but as the embodiment of a living cultural consciousness. The third impact will be the restoration of the superior tradition of Indian standards of governance. The fourth impact will be the development of a critical and India-centric perspective towards history.
In conclusion, the most far-reaching impact of this initiative will be on the formation of students’ outlook towards the future. A society that sees only defeat in its past tends to remain imitative in the future as well. A nation that sees resistance and reconstruction in its past, and justice, compassion, and welfare in its traditions and symbols of governance, strives to become self-reliant in the future and endeavours to create a similar model. This consciousness is the fundamental mantra of national cultural renaissance. It is not against anyone; rather, it is in favour of national consciousness. It is not against any religious sect; rather, it is in the interest of its own civilisation. This revision is not merely a revision of a textbook; it is a rediscovery of the national soul. The coming generation will be able to learn that India is not merely a geographical territory, but the triumphant journey of a living, resilient, and well-governed civilisation.